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The Radical Reformation Anabaptists

Historical Theology

Historical Setting

Not everyone who heard the Reformers thought they had gone far enough. In Zurich, a circle of Zwingli’s own students concluded that the master had stopped halfway. If Scripture alone was the rule, they asked, where in the New Testament was the baptism of infants? Where was the union of church and city council? Where was a church composed of all the baptized rather than of true, professing disciples? In January 1525, against the order of the council, Conrad Grebel baptized Georg Blaurock, who in turn baptized others — the first “re-baptisms” of professing adults. Their enemies called them Anabaptists (re-baptizers); they called themselves simply brethren, baptized now for the first time, as they saw it, in the only baptism the New Testament knew.

Thus began the Radical Reformation — radical in the root sense, going to the radix, the root. It was never a single movement but a family: the peaceful Swiss Brethren, the South German and Moravian groups (later the Hutterites), the Dutch followers of Menno Simons, and, tragically, the apocalyptic militants of Münster.

What Was at Stake

The Anabaptists raised questions the magisterial Reformers had not fully answered. Who belongs to the visible church — the infant of a Christian household, or only the one who can profess faith and follow Christ? What is baptism — the sign of the covenant administered to children, or the believer’s response of obedience? What is the relation of church and state — a Christendom in which the magistrate enforces religion, or a gathered, voluntary, suffering church set apart from the sword? On these the Reformation might have gone a very different way.

Key Players

Conrad Grebel and Felix Manz, the Zurich founders; Manz was drowned in 1527 — executed by the very Reformed authorities, a bitter irony.

George Blaurock, the first to be re-baptized, later burned.

Michael Sattler, former Benedictine prior, chief author of the Schleitheim Confession (1527), tortured and executed the same year.

Menno Simons, the former Dutch priest whose patient, pacifist leadership gathered the scattered survivors into the enduring Mennonite communities.

Jan Matthys and Jan of Leiden, the radical apocalyptics of Münster, whose fanaticism stained the whole movement.

The Outcome

The peaceful Anabaptist vision was set down at Schleitheim in 1527 in seven articles: believer’s baptism upon confession; the ban (church discipline) for the fallen; the Lord’s Supper as a memorial among the gathered; separation from “the abomination” of the world and the state church; the office of shepherd-pastor; the refusal of the sword and of magistracy for the believer; and the refusal of oaths. It was a coherent and costly ecclesiology of a pure, voluntary, suffering church.

Against this stands Münster (1534–35). A band of apocalyptic radicals seized the Westphalian city, declared it the New Jerusalem, abolished private property, instituted polygamy under the self-crowned “king” Jan of Leiden, and held out in fanatical violence until the city was retaken and the leaders tortured to death. Münster was a catastrophe and a slander; for generations “Anabaptist” meant “Münster” in the mouths of opponents, though it betrayed everything Schleitheim stood for. Menno Simons arose precisely to recall the movement to peace, gathering the chastened remnant into the disciplined, nonviolent Mennonite tradition.

Throughout, the Anabaptists suffered terribly — drowned, burned, and beheaded by Catholic and Protestant authorities alike, who agreed on little except that re-baptizers were seditious. They were the era’s great martyrs of conscience.

Scriptural Grounding

The Anabaptist case rested on the pattern of the New Testament, where baptism follows profession.

“Repent and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ.” (Acts 2:38)

“See, here is water! What prevents me from being baptized?’ And Philip said, ‘If you believe with all your heart, you may.’” (Acts 8:36–37)

“Make disciples of all nations, baptizing them…” (Matt. 28:19) — discipling, they argued, precedes baptizing.

On nonresistance they appealed to Christ:

“Do not resist the one who is evil… Love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you.” (Matt. 5:39, 44)

Doctrinal Significance

The Anabaptists pressed a serious and partly salutary question: the church must be more than a baptized population; it must be a community of living faith and visible discipleship. Their witness against a merely formal, coerced Christianity, their insistence on regenerate church membership and earnest discipleship, and their refusal to bless the state’s violence in Christ’s name have a prophetic edge that the magisterial churches did well, eventually, to hear in part.

Yet the Reformed tradition could not follow them, and the reason is the covenant. Scripture presents one covenant of grace administered in two testaments, and the sign of inclusion was given to believers and their children — circumcision in the old administration, baptism in the new.

“The promise is for you and for your children.” (Acts 2:39)

“In him also you were circumcised… having been buried with him in baptism.” (Col. 2:11–12)

Households were baptized (Acts 16:15, 33). The Reformed therefore hold that the children of believers are members of the covenant community and rightly receive its sign, looking for the faith the sign signifies. On the church-state question, the Reformed at their best distinguished the two kingdoms without separating Christians from civic life, affirming with Scripture that the magistrate “does not bear the sword in vain” (Rom. 13:4), while repenting — far too late — of the persecution of dissenters.

“The visible church… consists of all those throughout the world that profess the true religion, together with their children.” (WCF 25.2)

A Reformed Assessment — Wheat and Chaff

Charity demands that we honor the Anabaptists before we differ with them. They sealed their convictions in blood; they witnessed to costly discipleship when others were comfortable; they saw, rightly, that a state church can become a graveyard of nominal faith. This is wheat the church neglects to its loss.

The chaff, from our standards, is real. Their rejection of infant baptism flows from a covenant theology too discontinuous between the Testaments. Their separatism, pressed to its edge, can abandon the world to the devil rather than engage it under God. And Münster — though a betrayal, not the norm — stands as a warning of what apocalyptic enthusiasm unmoored from Scripture and order can become. We assess them charitably, learn from their seriousness, and hold our covenant baptism with conviction.

Connections

  • Sacraments — baptism: the central dividing line; WCF 28.
  • Ecclesiology: nature of the visible church; WCF 25.
  • Covenant theology: continuity of the covenant of grace; WCF 7.
  • Church and state / two kingdoms: WCF 23, 31; contrast 04_03 (Zwingli’s civic reform) and the later Puritan settlement (05_04).

Lessons for Today

The Anabaptists rebuke every church that mistakes baptized numbers for living faith; the call to regenerate membership and real discipleship is one the Reformed should hear without becoming Baptists. Their martyrdom rebukes the persecuting impulse our own fathers shared, and teaches that the gospel advances by suffering, not by the sword. And their separatism warns of the opposite error — a holiness that withdraws rather than engages. The healthy path holds covenant fullness and earnest discipleship together.

Further Reading

  • The Schleitheim Confession (1527), primary text
  • George H. Williams, The Radical Reformation
  • William Estep, The Anabaptist Story
  • Martyrs Mirror (Thieleman van Braght), primary source
  • C. Arnold Snyder, Anabaptist History and Theology